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Appendix 1: James Hendler and Ben Shneiderman on the
Next Generation of Interfaces
Source:
Annual Meeting Coverage. ASIST 2001 Plenary Debate. By Steve Hardin
James
Hendler is former chief scientist of the Information Systems Office at the
Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency and professor at the University of
Maryland, College Park. He can be reached at hendler@cs.umd.edu. Ben Shneiderman
is professor in the Department of Computer Science at the University of
Maryland, College Park. He can be reached at ben@cs.umd.edu. Steve Hardin can be
reached at libhard@cmi.indstate.edu.
What
should the future Web look like? How do we get there? To what extent should the
Web mimic human behavior? Two experts squared off on these and other issues
before several hundred audience members during the closing session of the ASIST
Annual Meeting in Washington on November 8, 2001.
Organizers
billed the session as a debate between Dr. Ben Shneiderman, a computer science
professor at the University of Maryland, College Park, and also the founding
director of the Human-Computer Interaction Laboratory; and Dr. James Hendler,
former chief scientist of the Information Systems Office at the Defense
Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA), as well as a professor at the
University of Maryland, College Park. Both men presented their ideas on
"The Next Generation of Interfaces: Responsibility and Control," and
discussed their differences with each other and with the audience. ASIST
President-elect Trudi Bellardo Hahn moderated the session.
Shneiderman
began his presentation by saying that we'll build cognitively comprehensible
systems, giving us a sense of mastery, control and satisfaction. In the
process, we'll take control for the results of our decision. He envisions systems
that are "affectively acceptable." But he hastened to add they would
not be adaptive, autonomous and anthropomorphic. He said anthropomorphic
designs persistently fail.
The
scientific approach, he said, extends beyond "user friendly" systems.
We want to specify users and tasks, predict and measure, he said, and focus on
the future of Web use. There are three directions we need to consider:
Shneiderman wrapped up by listing some of
his disagreements with Hendler:
Shneiderman finished his presentation
with a quote from Thomas Jefferson about his desire to see knowledge so widely
disseminated that it reaches beggars as well as kings.
Hendler began his part of the session by
noting Shneiderman wants a Web that's social, but that he didn't talk about how
someone could build it. Speaking as a technologist, Hendler said the Web works
reasonably well for single document texts or for finding sites based on single document
texts, but it can't integrate information from multiple documents. For example,
he said it would be great to create custom traffic reports from a variety of
sources, such as cameras, databases and statistics. He does that on the Web now
by organizing information from lots of sites. But he wants the Web to do it for
him. As it stands now, the Web will never really get any better. Given the
exponential growth of the Web, information retrieval technology needs to get an
order of magnitude better just to keep the same level of quality, he said.
We need agents on the Web, Hendler said,
and here's why:
Hendler said he wants the computer to go
beyond text. Instead of just giving him the weather, he wants the computer to
tell him what satellite images are available, when they'll be updated and how
much they'll cost. He wants a Web of context and meaning.
Web ontology, Hendler said, is a step in
the right direction. The Web has no major organizing principle; it allows
anyone to author and publish, and that arrangement allows the Web to grow
arbitrarily large. We need a distributed way, he said, to provide organizing
terms and terminologies and deploy them on the Web. We need pages marked with
machine-readable terms, term-to-term (schema to schema) machine-based
translations, and the ability to extend the ontologies for each domain.
Hendler acknowledged this vision will
make a lot of bad things worse. He's worried about who's collecting the
information. He added he did a search on the number of cows in Texas and found
a site that says all the cows have been replaced by aliens. But those people
need to be able to play, too ¡V the Web, he said, still needs to be the Web.
Shneiderman characterized Hendler's
vision as "wishful thinking." He reiterated his call for user
studies. He said using the term agent in conjunction with the user
interface is a problem, because people are different from machines. Hendler's
analogy of the travel agent is an error, Shneiderman said. We need to focus on
responsibility and trust, and trusting a computer agent doesn't substitute for
human-human trust. Humans are responsible, he said; machines aren't.
Hendler responded that he doesn't want to
mimic human behavior on the Web, any more than he wants to build an airplane
that mimics the way birds fly. Humans represent a terrible model for the Web.
He agrees with Shneiderman that you can't "trust" a machine the way
you "trust" a human ¡V but he doesn't have any other term to use to
describe the concept.
At this point, Hahn invited the audience
to join in the discussion. In response to one comment, Shneiderman asked when
agents violate copyright, who's responsible? Hendler said the idea is to let a
number of different approaches co-evolve; the best survive. Shneiderman said he
agrees with that, but language matters: when you use the term agent,
it's misleading. Hendler responded that if Shneiderman will tell him there are
no bad interfaces, he'll admit there are bad agents.
After another member of the audience
noted that at some level, there's no disagreement between Shneiderman and
Hendler, Hendler responded that we need to discuss how we move forward with the
Web. He said he and Shneiderman differ on their approach to co-evolution. He
believes the technology changes your ideas on how you use it, and that change
changes the technology you use. Shneiderman said he agrees with the concept of
co-evolution. But he also wants a balance in which 50% of the development
funding is spent on human behavior and 50% on technology. Hendler said he
thinks the real debate between him and Shneiderman is where the points are set
to obtain the best trade-offs.
Appendix 2:The next society
Source: The
Economist. Nov 1st 2001. by Peter Drucker.
(http://economist.com/surverys/PrinterFriendly.cfm?Story_ID=770819)
Tomorrow is closer than you think. Peter Drucker explains how it will differ from today, and what needs to be
done to prepare for it
The new economy may
or may not materialise, but there is no doubt that the next society will be
with us shortly. In the developed world, and probably in the emerging countries
as well, this new society will be a good deal more important than the new
economy (if any). It will be quite different from the society of the late 20th
century, and also different from what most people expect. Much of it will be
unprecedented. And most of it is already here, or is rapidly emerging.
In the developed countries, the dominant factor
in the next society will be something to which most people are only just
beginning to pay attention: the rapid growth in the older population and the
rapid shrinking of the younger generation. Politicians everywhere still promise
to save the existing pensions system, but they¡Xand their constituents¡Xknow perfectly
well that in another 25 years people will have to keep working until their
mid-70s, health permitting.
What has not yet sunk in is that a growing
number of older people¡Xsay those over 50¡Xwill not keep on working as
traditional full-time nine-to-five employees, but will participate in the
labour force in many new and different ways: as temporaries, as part-timers, as
consultants, on special assignments and so on. What used to be personnel and
are now known as human-resources departments still assume that those who work
for an organisation are full-time employees. Employment laws and regulations
are based on the same assumption. Within 20 or 25 years, however, perhaps as
many as half the people who work for an organisation will not be employed by it,
certainly not on a full-time basis. This will be especially true for older
people. New ways of working with people at arm's length will increasingly
become the central managerial issue of employing organisations, and not just of
businesses.
The
shrinking of the younger population will cause an even greater upheaval, if
only because nothing like this has happened since the dying centuries of the
Roman empire. In every single developed country, but also in China and Brazil,
the birth rate is now well below the replacement rate of 2.2 live births per
woman of reproductive age. Politically, this means that immigration will become
an important¡Xand highly divisive¡Xissue in all rich countries. It will cut
across all traditional political alignments. Economically, the decline in the
young population will change markets in fundamental ways. Growth in family
formation has been the driving force of all domestic markets in the developed
world, but the rate of family formation is certain to fall steadily unless
bolstered by large-scale immigration of younger people. The homogeneous mass
market that emerged in all rich countries after the second world war has been
youth-determined from the start. It will now become middle-age-determined, or
perhaps more likely it will split into two: a middle-age-determined mass market
and a much smaller youth-determined one. And because the supply of young people
will shrink, creating new employment patterns to attract and hold the growing
number of older people (especially older educated people) will become
increasingly important.
Knowledge is all
The next society will be a knowledge society.
Knowledge will be its key resource, and knowledge workers will be the dominant
group in its workforce. Its three main characteristics will be:
•Borderlessness, because knowledge travels even
more effortlessly than money.
•Upward mobility, available to everyone through
easily acquired formal education.
•The potential for failure as well as success.
Anyone can acquire the ¡§means of production¡¨, ie, the knowledge required for
the job, but not everyone can win.
Together, those three characteristics will make
the knowledge society a highly competitive one, for organisations and
individuals alike. Information technology, although only one of many new features
of the next society, is already having one hugely important effect: it is
allowing knowledge to spread near-instantly, and making it accessible to
everyone. Given the ease and speed at which information travels, every
institution in the knowledge society¡Xnot only businesses, but also schools,
universities, hospitals and increasingly government agencies too¡Xhas to be
globally competitive, even though most organisations will continue to be local
in their activities and in their markets. This is because the Internet will
keep customers everywhere informed on what is available anywhere in the world,
and at what price.
This new knowledge economy will rely heavily on
knowledge workers. At present, this term is widely used to describe people with
considerable theoretical knowledge and learning: doctors, lawyers, teachers,
accountants, chemical engineers. But the most striking growth will be in
¡§knowledge technologists¡¨: computer technicians, software designers, analysts
in clinical labs, manufacturing technologists, paralegals. These people are as
much manual workers as they are knowledge workers; in fact, they usually spend
far more time working with their hands than with their brains. But their manual
work is based on a substantial amount of theoretical knowledge which can be
acquired only through formal education, not through an apprenticeship. They are
not, as a rule, much better paid than traditional skilled workers, but they see
themselves as ¡§professionals¡¨. Just as unskilled manual workers in manufacturing
were the dominant social and political force in the 20th century, knowledge
technologists are likely to become the dominant social¡Xand perhaps also
political¡Xforce over the next decades.
The new protectionism
Structurally, too, the next society is already
diverging from the society almost all of us still live in. The 20th century saw
the rapid decline of the sector that had dominated society for 10,000 years:
agriculture. In volume terms, farm production now is at least four or five
times what it was before the first world war. But in 1913 farm products
accounted for 70% of world trade, whereas now their share is at most 17%. In
the early years of the 20th century, agriculture in most developed countries
was the largest single contributor to GDP; now in rich
countries its contribution has dwindled to the point of becoming marginal. And
the farm population is down to a tiny proportion of the total.
Manufacturing has travelled a long way down the
same road. Since the second world war, manufacturing output in the developed
world has probably tripled in volume, but inflation-adjusted manufacturing
prices have fallen steadily, whereas the cost of prime knowledge
products¡Xhealth care and education¡Xhas tripled, again adjusted for inflation.
The relative purchasing power of manufactured goods against knowledge products
is now only one-fifth or one-sixth of what it was 50 years ago. Manufacturing
employment in America has fallen from 35% of the workforce in the 1950s to less
than half that now, without causing much social disruption. But it may be too
much to hope for an equally easy transition in countries such as Japan or
Germany, where blue-collar manufacturing workers still make up 25-30% of the
labour force.
The decline of farming as a producer of wealth
and of livelihoods has allowed farm protectionism to spread to a degree that
would have been unthinkable before the second world war. In the same way, the
decline of manufacturing will trigger an explosion of manufacturing
protectionism¡Xeven as lip service continues to be paid to free trade. This
protectionism may not necessarily take the form of traditional tariffs, but of
subsidies, quotas and regulations of all kinds. Even more likely, regional
blocks will emerge that trade freely internally but are highly protectionist
externally. The European Union, NAFTA and Mercosur
already point in that direction.
The future of the corporation
Statistically, multinational companies play much
the same part in the world economy as they did in 1913. But they have become
very different animals. Multinationals in 1913 were domestic firms with
subsidiaries abroad, each of them self-contained, in charge of a politically
defined territory, and highly autonomous. Multinationals now tend to be
organised globally along product or service lines. But like the multinationals
of 1913, they are held together and controlled by ownership. By contrast, the
multinationals of 2025 are likely to be held together and controlled by
strategy. There will still be ownership, of course. But alliances, joint
ventures, minority stakes, know-how agreements and contracts will increasingly
be the building blocks of a confederation. This kind of organisation will need
a new kind of top management.
In most countries, and even in a good many large
and complex companies, top management is still seen as an extension of
operating management. Tomorrow's top management, however, is likely to be a
distinct and separate organ: it will stand for the company. One of the most
important jobs ahead for the top management of the big company of tomorrow, and
especially of the multinational, will be to balance the conflicting demands on
business being made by the need for both short-term and long-term results, and
by the corporation's various constituencies: customers, shareholders
(especially institutional investors and pension funds), knowledge employees and
communities.
Against that background, this survey will seek to answer two questions: what can and should managements do now to be ready for the next society? And what other big changes may lie ahead of which we are as yet unaware?